This article is available in:
HTML
PDF
Three face-to-face focus groups that included 24 online poker players were conducted in Stockholm to investigate their motivations
for playing online poker and issues relating to their trust of poker Web sites. Casual players played because they liked the
convenience, the ease of learning, the low stake size, the relief from boredom, and the social interactions. “Professional”
players played to win money and utilised several features of the online game for psychological tactics. They also tended to
play several tables at once.
Factors that affected how much a player would trust an online poker Web site included the size and reputation of the operator,
the speed with which winnings were paid out, the clarity of the Web site design, the technical reliability of the service,
and the accessibility and effectiveness of the customer service. Responsible gaming measures also increased levels of trust
by demonstrating company integrity and by reducing anxiety about winning from other players.
The findings indicate that providing a safe online environment with effective responsible gaming measures may be much more
than just a moral and regulatory requirement. Players in this study suggested that such features are sometimes necessary in
order to achieve an enjoyable gaming experience. Consequently, responsible gaming initiatives and good business practice do
not have to be mutually exclusive. Indeed, in this particular scenario, they might even be considered mutually dependent.
This project was funded by Svenska Spel, the operators of the Swedish National Lottery. Other than agreeing to the research
question, Svenska Spel had no say in how the research was carried out, the results that were reported, the conclusions that
were drawn, or the editing of the report.
Over the last few years, there has been a worldwide explosion in the participation and the popularity of online poker (particularly
games such as No Limit Texas Hold 'em). Possible precipitating factors for this trend might include the increasing number of celebrities endorsing and playing
poker; poker being shown via television (both terrestrial and cable channels) and the Internet; players learning to play for
free; players playing for low stakes (as low as one cent); and individuals having 24-hour access and playing at any time,
on any day via the Internet (Griffiths, Parke, Wood, & Parke, 2006; Wood, Parke, & Griffiths, 2007). Furthermore, online poker provides excellent financial value for the gambler. There is no casino house edge or bookmakers'
mark-up on odds. Players have the potential to win because there is an element of skill in making their bets, and they are
able to compete directly with and against other gamblers instead of gambling on a pre-programmed slot machine or making a
bet on a roulette wheel with fixed odds (Griffiths, 2005; Griffiths et al., 2006).
However, there is currently a paucity of published empirical studies that have examined online gambling from the perspective
of the player, although there are papers on the transferable skills in poker (Parke, Griffiths, & Parke, 2005) and advice for clinicians (Griffiths & Parke, 2004). Wood, Williams, and Lawton (2007), in a largely quantitative study of online gamblers in general, found that the reasons given for online play related to the
relative convenience and comfort of playing online, an aversion to the environment and clientele at land-based venues, and
a preference for the particular structural characteristics of online games. In relation to online poker playing, as far as
the authors are aware, there have only been two published studies that have examined motivations for playing, attitudes towards
online poker, and related concerns. Wood, Parke et al. (2007) examined online poker playing in the United Kingdom by using a sample of 422 student online poker players. The main motivations
for taking part included relaxation, excitement, winning money while socialising, escaping problems, relieving boredom, developing
skills, and feeling lucky. More players reported that online poker was mainly a game of skill (38%) than mainly a game of
chance (32%), or that it was equally skill and chance based (30%).
An interesting finding was that some players “gender swapped” whilst playing online. More female players (20% of females)
than male players (12%) reported swapping gender when playing. Typical reasons that female players gave as to why they did
this were that they believed males would not take them seriously if they knew they were playing against a woman. Gender swapping
also gave a female player a greater sense of security as a lone woman in a predominantly male arena. Males agreed that females
were not taken as seriously as males, but believed that pretending to be female would give males a strategic psychological
advantage. Different male players reported that the advantage arose for one of two reasons. One suggested reason was that
males believed that other male players were less aggressive in their play towards female players. The other reason given by
some males was that they believed that other male players felt that they could intimidate female players, and so the males
posing as females could lure those males into a false sense of security, thus potentially winning more money.
The Global Online Gambler Survey (Parke et al., 2007) conducted by eCOGRA (eCommerce and Online Gaming Regulation and Assurance) collected data from 10,865 participants world-wide
who reported that they had gambled at Internet casino sites, Internet poker sites, or both within the 3 months prior to the
research. The survey focused on demographic variables, information on behaviour and attitudes (basic play, casino and poker
play), player protection and satisfaction, responsible gambling, and positive and negative aspects of Internet gambling. In
addition to the survey, a series of focus groups were conducted in the United Kingdom, the United States, Canada, Sweden,
and Germany.
The majority of the results from the study were aggregated and so were not presented according to country. However, two findings
that were reported were that Swedish online poker players reported the highest average monthly financial outcomes of all countries
examined, followed by Germany, and then by New Zealand. The other geographical finding reported was that there were big differences
between the North American players and the European players in terms of their attitudes and beliefs about operators engaging
in unfair practices. North American players were more likely to report the belief that “pokerbots” existed online, which were
operated by the sites themselves. The report speculates that differences in these beliefs may be explained by the general
uncertainty regarding regulation and legal issues in the United States and Canada. The report suggested that more players
may be concerned about operator legitimacy if these commercial operators are seen to be operating in an illegal or quasi-legal
industry.
In a similar finding to that of Wood, Parke et al. (2007), Parke et al. (2007) found that around 12% of players pretended to be a different gender when playing online. Those who always swapped genders
when playing poker reported having less profitable play than did any other type of player. Parke et al. (2007) concluded that the players in their study may have been less successful as a consequence of over-estimating the advantage
of playing poker as a different gender.
The Global Online Gambler Survey found overall support from both online casino and online poker players for the presence of
responsible gaming features, with the majority of players in favour of self-imposed spending limits (70%), self-imposed time
limits (51%), self-exclusion (58%), regular financial statements (75%), and self-assessment tests (62%). Players in the focus
groups were also more in favour of self-imposed measures and general information than they were of mandatory responsible gaming
measures. Some participants in the focus groups were sceptical of the motives of operators utilising responsible gaming practices,
suggesting a conflict of interest. However, other participants suggested that the presence of responsible gaming practices
allowed them to trust the gaming operator more. They suggested that they would rather play with a company that had a responsible
gaming policy than with a company that did not. The greatest area of concern overall related to technical issues such as being
disconnected from the game or malfunctioning software. Furthermore, 87% of the players reported that they preferred to play
on the “biggest named” sites, as they believed that cheating was less likely.
To date, there has been only one empirical published study that has specifically focused on issues of trust in relation to
online gambling. Shelat and Egger (2002) conducted a brief survey of 31 online casino players, focusing on those factors that increased or decreased their level of
trust when visiting a gambling Web site. The authors found that the biggest influence came from the informational content of the site. Potential players wanted clear, easy-to-find information about who owned the Web site, what the policies were,
and how the staff managed the site. After that, players reported that relationship management was the next most important factor in building trust. This meant that it was important that players could easily contact
the company, that they were taken seriously, that they were paid their winnings quickly, and that the company fulfilled their
promises. Following that, interface properties were the next most important factor, meaning that the Web site should be easy to follow, quick to load, and contain accurate
information. Finally, pre-interactional filters referred to the prior experiences of players on similar casino Web sites. Not surprisingly, bad experiences reduced players'
overall (initial) trust of subsequent gambling-related Web sites. However, whilst these are interesting findings, we should
be cautious about their generalisability, as they are based on a small sample of online casino gamblers and may not be representative
of online gamblers in general or of online poker players specifically.
Studies of Web sites in general have found that specific design features play a critical role in influencing the perceived
trustworthiness of a site, including the ease of navigation (Cheskin-Sapient, 1999), the clarity in financial transactions (Nielsen, Molich, Snyder, & Farrell, 2000), the extent to which the Web site has a professional look and feel (Belanger, Hiller, & Smith, 2002; Kim & Stoel, 2004), and the appropriate use of visual design elements (Kim & Moon, 1998). Mixing advertisements and content will diminish trust (Jenkins, Corritore, & Wiedenbeck, 2003), as will poor Web site maintenance (Nielsen et al., 2000). Promoting honesty, a lack of bias, and shared values with the user, as well as providing accurate and comprehensive information,
have all been shown to increase trustworthiness (Fogg et al., 2001).
Given the current lack of qualitative research available for understanding online poker playing, the present study set out
to investigate in more detail the motivations of Swedish online poker players, the factors that increased or decreased their
trust of the Web sites that they play on, and player attitudes towards responsible gaming initiatives. Previous research (Parke et al., 2007) noted that many online poker players welcomed the addition of voluntary responsible gaming measures on a poker Web site.
Examining the utility of responsible gaming initiatives, other than to directly help players avoid developing problems, is
beneficial as it can show where initiatives may have added value for the gaming operator beyond the operator's basic moral
and regulatory obligations. Arguably, initiatives that have mutual benefits in this way demonstrate how a genuine concern
for player well-being should be central to the policies of any online gaming operator.
Twenty-four online poker players took part in the study in response to an advertisement placed in a local Swedish newspaper
in Stockholm from which 38 affirmative responses were received. Sixteen participants were male and eight were female. They
ranged in age from 18 to 60, with the average age being 32 years. Participants were selected as a quasi-opportunity sample
with all the female respondents selected and the males selected to represent as broad a demographic as possible from the available
responses.
The aim of the study was to examine Swedish poker players' attitudes towards and perceptions of online poker playing, as well
as to discuss issues such as trust and responsible gaming. Three focus groups were conducted in Stockholm in November 2006.
Participants took part in one of the sessions held at 12 p.m., 2 p.m., and 4 p.m. in a private room below a popular city centre
café. All focus groups were conducted in person by the first author of this article. Each focus group session was recorded
in English on tape and was later transcribed verbatim for the purposes of analysis. All of the participants spoke English
well and, where occasional words proved difficult to translate, the focus group participants helped each other to translate
them. A translator was also on hand to help facilitate the conversation but in practice was rarely needed. Sweden is a country
where English is taught at school from an early age and it is a widely spoken language. Each participant was given 400 SEK
as compensation for their time and for any travelling expenses incurred. Each session lasted around 90 minutes. Transcripts
were analysed by using thematic analysis. In the first stage of the thematic analysis, the researchers separately read the
comments twice to become familiar with the data and then searched for the main themes that emerged from the responses to each
of the four questions. After the first stage of analysis, the authors discussed the themes with each other before re-reading
the transcripts, paying particular attention to the overall fit of the preliminary themes. The responses were then re-read
by both authors to see if they contained any relevant information further to the provisional themes; the themes were then
given their final analytical form and definition. Quoted comments from participants have been selected to represent the breadth
and depth of the themes and are reported verbatim. Discussions focussed on the following areas:
Motivations to play – Positive and negative aspects of online poker playing in Sweden – Most important factors when playing – Perception of online poker Web sites Experience of playing online – Use of chat facilities – Tactics – Multi-table play Disputes – Gender swapping Trust – Factors that increase or decrease trust overall – Perception of the integrity of online poker Web sites – Perception of cheating Responsible gaming – Attitudes towards responsible gaming features – Whose responsibility is it? Perception of Swedish online poker players – How do Swedish poker players view themselves? – How do other nationalities view Swedish poker players? – There were big differences in the motivations and styles of playing that were used to define players as either casual or professional.
Casual players were defined as those who reported playing online poker because it was easy to learn for a beginner, they enjoyed
wagering with small amounts of money, they liked being able to do other things at the same time, and the excitement and socialising
during online play was appealing.
Easy to learn: Several players suggested that it was daunting to play in a real casino, particularly when they were beginners. The ability
to lurk and observe other people playing allowed them to gain experience in how the game worked before they joined in. The
relative anonymity allowed the online players to feel less inhibited in taking part in a game.
Low stake size: Similarly, the fact that real casinos were perceived to have high minimum stake sizes was off-putting for casual players.
In comparison, a player could take part in an online poker game for a relatively small amount of money, and that money could
last for a long time. Therefore, these players viewed online poker as a value-for-money leisure activity:
Convenience: Players also reported that the convenience of being able to play in the comfort of their own homes was an important reason
for playing. Several players did other things whilst they were playing, like watching TV, listening to music, or doing paperwork.
Sometimes this was because the game was slow, but at other times it was because they had things to do. Similarly, some players
were not able to leave their homes and play in real tournaments because they had young children to look after. They reported
that online poker gave them something to do when the children had gone to bed.
Boredom and excitement: Casual players reported that alleviating boredom and getting some excitement were their main motivations for playing. With
the convenience of the Internet, online poker gave players the opportunity to engage in a game quickly and for relatively
low stakes. The excitement of playing filled gaps in their lives when there was not much else to do.
Social interaction: One of the big differences between casual and professional players related to their relationships with other online poker
players. Many of the casual players reported that they enjoyed talking to other people. For some of these players, the social
interaction was the most important aspect of their game playing. At the same time, it was acknowledged that other online players
could at times be rude. However, it was recognised that the nature of online poker is such that the player could move to another
game if they did not like the present company. In contrast, it was noted that playing with real people meant that you were
stuck playing with them for some time.
Professional players' motivations and tactics In contrast, the professional players were predominantly defined by their motivation to play online poker as a way to make
money. For them, the game was mostly about skill and they used a variety of tactics to try to influence other players.
Psychological tactics: Most of the conversation from the professional players centred around the different tactics that they used to try to “psych”
out other players, or how they would write down information about the playing style of other players. However, they were aware
that other players also took notes and so they often played under different user names. Sometimes, some of the male players
would pretend to be female, as they believed it gave them an advantage. In addition, they tended to play several tables at
once and so had to use different characters. Sometimes the players would deliberately use the chat facility to try to make
other players angry. Another tactic was to play the game slowly, as that would also annoy other players. However, slow play
was sometimes a function of the physical and cognitive challenges of having to attend to various games at the same time. Parke et al. (2007) noted that four is the optimum number of tables that can be played by most players before overall profitability is adversely
affected.
Choosing the right tables: The professional players also reported that they chose their tables carefully in order to identify the most profitable players
to play against. If the players were too good, they would avoid that table. However, if the players were novices, then they
would avoid those tables, too. This was because novice players were reported to be unpredictable; these players tended to
stick to lower stake tables, but not always.
Integrity through size and reputation: It was important to all of the players that they should be able to trust the gaming Web site that they chose to play on.
A big part of the decision about who to play with was associated with trust. Players trusted the more well-known Web sites
than they did the lesser-known Web sites, and the reputation of the Web site was important. This related to fears about providing
credit card details but also to the likelihood that winnings would actually be paid to them. In this respect, winnings being
paid quickly was seen as important so that players were quickly reassured and did not have to wait and wonder when they would
receive winnings.
Clarity of design: The design of the Web site was important, and it had to be clear and easy to understand, with no pop-ups that advertised
other services. Flashy graphics were not seen as something that added to the experience by most players. Although a few players
suggested that they liked the idea of a fantasy setting or a virtual character, overall the key concern was that the Web site
should be easy to understand and work well.
Reliability and customer service: A major concern of all of the players was that the service should be reliable. The professional players in particular were
concerned about connection drops. When this happened, it was important that the operator responded in a positive manner; otherwise,
the player lost trust and would be less likely to play on that Web site again. The ability to reach someone quickly on the
phone was seen as an essential part of the service if the operator was to be seen as trustworthy overall.
Dealing with cheating: The biggest concerns that the players had related to cheating by other players. The response of the operator to these issues
played a major role in whether or not they were trusted in the long term. There was a lot of suspicion amongst the professional
players that sometimes they were playing against computer programs (bots), particularly when they lost. Similarly, there was
a fear amongst some that certain computer viruses could be used by another player that would allow them to see other players'
cards. Talking to other players using the chat facility was one way that a player could be sure that they were in fact playing
with real people. Once again, the response of the operator to alleged cheating was important for maintaining trust in their
site.
Responsible gaming policies build trust: The presence of responsible gaming features contributed to a sense of overall trust in the Web site. Most players suggested
that it was an operator's duty to be concerned with vulnerable players and pointed out that genuine concern for these players
showed that the operator cared about more than just the customers' money. Responsible gaming features were seen as a mark
of the overall integrity of the gaming operator, and players felt assured that they would not be badly treated. Consequently,
around half of the players suggested that they would only ever play on Swedish Web sites. A couple of players reported that
they thought it was entirely the individual's responsibility not to gamble excessively. However, these players did not object
to the visible presence of responsible gaming features on a site.
Feeling good about winning: Responsible gaming features were also reported as something that helped the player to feel better about winning money from
other players. Some players were not at all happy to win money that might be coming from people who could not afford to lose
it in the first place. Similarly, it was suggested that playing online, against strangers, was better than playing with friends
because taking money from friends was awkward and ultimately took away some of the enjoyment of winning:
Whilst around half of the players in the focus groups played only on Swedish sites, the rest played against players from other
countries. There was a general feeling amongst these players that Swedish players were on average more skilled than were those
from other countries. There was also recognition that Swedish players had a reputation in some other countries as being calm
and calculating players.
The study identified two distinct groups of Swedish online poker players and defined both in terms of their motivations to
play and the ways in which they played. For casual players, the overall experience mattered most. For professional players,
the ability to win money was their main motivation to play. Professional players sometimes used psychological tactics in order
to provoke other players into getting angry. This could have the effect of reducing the pleasurable experience of the casual
player who sometimes saw such actions as “rude.” It was observed by some players that this kind of abuse was frequently ignored
or undetected by online poker Web sites. Such experiences may deter some players from continuing to play online or encourage
them to switch Web sites if left unchallenged by the operator. However, casual players noted that one advantage of online
poker is that it is easy to switch tables if you do not like the present company. This observation may further explain the
findings of Wood, Williams, and Lawton (2007), who noted that some online players reported a dislike for the clientele in land-based gambling venues. Furthermore, players
who were just starting out and on the lower-stake tables were less likely to encounter such professional players, who favoured
higher-stake tables. One consideration for an operator may be to have some non-tactical play tables, where any provocative
actions are not tolerated. Social features on these tables could then be maximised. Encouraging players to avoid aggressive
play may help them to avoid becoming overly aroused and entering a dissociative state in which excessive spending is more
likely. However, some provocation may be deemed a legitimate part of the game for some players, and so other tables where
this is tolerated (within reason) might also be considered.
It was interesting to note that some players gender swapped in order to gain a perceived psychological advantage. Wood, Parke et al. (2007) noted that sometimes this is because a female player feels more intimidated playing as a female in a traditionally male environment.
Although it was only males in the present study who reported gender swapping, there were only eight female players who took
part. Females have previously been shown to gender swap more than males (Wood, Parke et al., 2007). Given that poker is, currently, a predominantly male activity (73.8% according to Parke et al., 2007), it may be worth considering offering female-only games, where women may feel more at ease competing with each other. However,
ensuring that only genuine females played could be a challenge in itself.
Trust was a critical element for deciding which Web site to play on. In accordance with previous findings on trust of Web
sites in general, this study also found that several factors were critical. Reputation was paramount, and larger established
companies were trusted more than unknown operators. However, reputation also came from personal experience and through discussions
with other players. Some players would even forgo a bonus in favour of a reputable operator whom they trusted. Also key to
maintaining a good reputation was a clear design that was easy to follow and functioned efficiently with all the necessary
information present. Winnings needed to be paid quickly to reassure players that everything worked. Similarly, connection
drops were reported as one of the most annoying factors, particularly for professional players. Responding quickly and fairly
to technical problems was also critical in maintaining trust, as was dealing effectively with any allegations of cheating.
In these respects, an efficient customer service department is essential for the long-term reputation of any online poker
operator. Furthermore, highly visible statements about the security of the games offered and how the company responds to cheating
may also increase levels of player trust.
The study found that responsible gaming policies were linked to trust for many of the players, by demonstrating an integrity
that goes beyond just offering an efficient service to one that cares for its players. Consequently, this finding supports
and extends aspects of The Global Online Gambler Survey (Parke et al., 2007). Furthermore, online poker playing was defined as a game in which it is easy to understand that winnings are coming directly
from another player and not from the gaming operator as such. Winning against the house may be thrilling; taking away someone's
grocery money for the week is likely to be less so. Whilst such assertions may not always be obvious, it seemed clear that
they were at least in the back of the minds of some of the players. Therefore, developing effective responsible gaming policies
is not just an ethical choice and a regulatory requirement; doing so may also provide two important elements of economic value
for the operator. The presence of adequate responsible gaming measures appears to increase the level of trust that some players
have for an operator, making it more likely that they will play with an operator who has a prominent responsible gaming policy
than with one who does not. Furthermore, visible responsible gaming measures allow the conscientious player to feel good about
winning and can therefore add to the overall enjoyment of their gaming experience. These findings therefore emphasise the
benefits to all parties in developing a genuine concern for player well-being.
The present study has uncovered a number of interesting findings about the factors that can both increase and decrease player
trust of an online poker operator, as well as some of the motivations for playing. We should bear in mind that the study was
conducted with a small sample of players, although it was adequate for a qualitative study of this kind, and the players were
self-selecting and from one particular country (Sweden). Further research might survey a much larger representative sample
of players by using the factors identified in this study to determine the extent to which these findings apply to online poker
players in general. The online nature of these activities should make this a simple task in relation to current players. However,
it would also be interesting to see what the public in general think about these issues, as they may, in part, determine people's
decision to play, or not to play, online poker games in the future.
Copyright © 2021 | Centre for Addiction and Mental Health
Journal Information
Journal ID (publisher-id): jgi
ISSN: 1910-7595
Publisher: Centre for Addiction and Mental Health
Article Information
© 1999-2008 The Centre for Addiction and Mental Health
Publication date: June 2008
First Page: 80 Last Page: 97
Publisher Id: jgi.2008.21.8
DOI: 10.4309/jgi.2008.21.8
Why Swedish people play online poker and factors that can increase or decrease trust in poker Web sites: A qualitative investigation
Affiliation: GamRes Limited Email: Richard@GamRes.org
Affiliation: International Gaming Research Unit, Nottingham Trent University, UK
Acknowledgements: We would like to thank Svenska Spel for funding this research, all the participants who took part in the
focus groups, and Sara Ohlsson for recruiting participants and organising the focus groups.
For correspondence: Dr Richard T.A. Wood, CPsychol, Division of Psychology, Nottingham Trent University, Burton Street, Nottingham,
NG14BU, UK Phone: +44 (0) 151 3240153, Web site: http://www.GamRes.org, e-mail: Richard@GamRes.org
Contributors: Dr Wood designed the study and conducted the focus groups. Dr Wood undertook the analysis. Drs Wood and Griffiths
wrote the final report.
Competing interests: There were no competing interests for either author. Funding: This research was entirely funded by Svenska
Spel, operators of the Swedish National Lottery and gaming services.
Ethics Approval: The Division of Psychology Ethics Committee, Nottingham Trent University, granted ethics approval in August
2006 for the project entitled “A Qualitative Investigation of Online Poker Players.” All research was carried out in accordance
with ethical guidelines from The British Psychological Society. Summary findings of the research were presented at The Svenska
Spel Gaming Seminar in Visby, Sweden, on July 12, 2007.
Dr Richard Wood is a Chartered Psychologist and the Director of GamRes Limited. He has been studying gaming behaviour for
over 12 years, mostly at the International Gaming Research Unit (IGRU) at Nottingham Trent University where he is still an
associate member. He also worked as a Post Doctoral Research Fellow at The International Centre for Youth Gambling Problems
and High-Risk Behaviours at McGill University in Montreal. Dr Wood has published numerous gambling-related articles, presented
his findings at conferences and seminars around the world, and undertaken many responsible gaming projects for the gaming
industry, research institutes, and regulatory sectors. His research focuses on both the individual causes of problem gambling,
as well as the structural characteristics of games that can influence the gambling behaviour of vulnerable players.
Dr Mark Griffiths is a Chartered Psychologist and Director of the International Gaming Research Unit (IGRU) at Nottingham
Trent University. He has won several international prizes for outstanding scholarly contributions to the field of gambling
research. He has published over 185 refereed research papers, a number of books on the psychology of gambling, and numerous
book chapters, and he has over 550 other non-refereed publications to his name. He has served as a member on a number of national
and international committees (e.g., European Association for the Study of Gambling, British Psychological Society Council,
BPS Social Psychology Section, Society for the Study of Gambling, Gamblers Anonymous General Services Board, National Council
on Gambling) and was the former National Chair of GamCare.
Abstract
References
Belanger, F.. Hiller, J.. Smith, W.. ( 2002). Trustworthiness in electronic commerce: The role of privacy, security, and site attributes. Journal of Strategic Information Systems, 11 (3-4), 245–270.
Cheskin Research and Studio Archetype/Sapient. ( 1999). eCommerce Trust Study. Retrieved September 2000 from http://www.cheskin.com/think/trust/%20assets/images/etrust.pdf
Fogg, B.J.. Marshall, J.. Laraki, O.. Osipovich, A.. Varma, C.. Fang, N.. , et al. ( 2001). What makes web sites credible? A report on a large quantitative study. %Proceedings of the Conference on Human Factors in Computing Systems CHI 2001 (pp. 61–68). New York: ACM Press .
Griffiths, M.D.. ( 2005). Online betting exchanges: A brief overview. Youth Gambling International, 5 (2), 1–2.
Griffiths, M.D.. Parke, J.. ( 2004). Gambling on the Internet: Some practical advice to give clients. Journal of Gambling Issues, 11. Retrieved June 2007, from http://www.camh.net/egambling/issue11/jgi_11_griffiths_parke.html
Griffiths, M.D.. Parke, A.. Wood, R.T.A.. Parke, J.. ( 2006). Internet gambling: An overview of psychosocial impacts. Gaming Research and Review Journal, 27 (1), 27–39.
Jenkins, C.. Corritore, C.L.. Wiedenbeck, S.. ( 2003). Patterns of information seeking on the web: A qualitative study of domain expertise and web expertise. IT & Society, 1 (3), 64–89.
Kim, J.. Moon, J.Y.. ( 1998). Designing towards emotional usability in customer interfaces-trustworthiness of cyber-banking system interfaces. Interacting with Computers, 10 (1), 1–29.
Kim, S.. Stoel, L.. ( 2004). Apparel retailers: Website quality dimensions and satisfaction, Journal of Retailing and Consumer Services, 11 (2), 109–117.
Nielsen, J.. Molich, R.. Snyder, C.. Farrell, S.. ( 2000). E-commerce user experience: Trust. Fremont, CA: Nielsen NormanGroup. Retrieved March 2001, from http://www.nngroup.com/reports/ecommerce
Parke, A.. Griffiths, M.. Parke, J.. ( 2005). Can playing poker be good for you? Poker as a transferable skill. Journal of Gambling Issues, 14. Retrieved June 17, 2007, from http://www.camh.net/egambling/issue14/jgi_14_parke.html
Parke, J.. Rigbye, J.. Parke, A.. Wood, R.T.A.. Sjenitzer, J.. Vaughan Williams, L.. ( 2007). The global online gambling report: An exploratory investigation into the attitudes and behaviours of internet casino and poker
players. eCOGRA (e-Commerce and Online Gaming Regulation and Assurance). Retrieved June 16th 2008 from http://www.ecogra.com/Downloads/eCOGRA_Global_Online_Gambler_Report.pdf
Shelat, B.. Egger, F.N.. ( 2002). What makes people trust online gambling sites? Proceedings of the Conference on Human Factors in Computing Systems CHI 2002, Extended Abstracts, April 20-25 (pp. 852–853). Minneapolis, MN: ACM Press.
Wood, R.T.A.. Parke, J.. Griffiths, M.D.. ( 2007). The acquisition, development, and maintenance of online poker playing in a student sample. CyberPsychology and Behavior, 10 (3), 354–361.
Wood, R.T.. Williams, R.J.. Lawton, P.. ( 2007). Why do Internet gamblers prefer online versus land-based venues?Journal of Gambling Issues, 20, 235–250.
Keywords:
Keywords
responsible gaming, trust, online poker, motivations to gamble.
Related Article(s):
Editor-in-chief: Nigel E. Turner, Ph.D.
Managing Editor: Vivien Rekkas, Ph.D. (contact)
Introduction
Method
Participants
Design and procedure
Results
Casual players' motivations
Developing and maintaining trust
Perceptions of Swedish and foreign players
Discussion