Over the last few years, there has been a worldwide explosion in the participation and the popularity of online poker (particularly games such as No Limit Texas Hold 'em). Possible precipitating factors for this trend might include the increasing number of celebrities endorsing and playing poker; poker being shown via television (both terrestrial and cable channels) and the Internet; players learning to play for free; players playing for low stakes (as low as one cent); and individuals having 24-hour access and playing at any time, on any day via the Internet (Griffiths, Parke, Wood, & Parke, 2006; Wood, Parke, & Griffiths, 2007). Furthermore, online poker provides excellent financial value for the gambler. There is no casino house edge or bookmakers' mark-up on odds. Players have the potential to win because there is an element of skill in making their bets, and they are able to compete directly with and against other gamblers instead of gambling on a pre-programmed slot machine or making a bet on a roulette wheel with fixed odds (Griffiths, 2005; Griffiths et al., 2006).

However, there is currently a paucity of published empirical studies that have examined online gambling from the perspective of the player, although there are papers on the transferable skills in poker (Parke, Griffiths, & Parke, 2005) and advice for clinicians (Griffiths & Parke, 2004). Wood, Williams, and Lawton (2007), in a largely quantitative study of online gamblers in general, found that the reasons given for online play related to the relative convenience and comfort of playing online, an aversion to the environment and clientele at land-based venues, and a preference for the particular structural characteristics of online games. In relation to online poker playing, as far as the authors are aware, there have only been two published studies that have examined motivations for playing, attitudes towards online poker, and related concerns. Wood, Parke et al. (2007) examined online poker playing in the United Kingdom by using a sample of 422 student online poker players. The main motivations for taking part included relaxation, excitement, winning money while socialising, escaping problems, relieving boredom, developing skills, and feeling lucky. More players reported that online poker was mainly a game of skill (38%) than mainly a game of chance (32%), or that it was equally skill and chance based (30%).

An interesting finding was that some players “gender swapped” whilst playing online. More female players (20% of females) than male players (12%) reported swapping gender when playing. Typical reasons that female players gave as to why they did this were that they believed males would not take them seriously if they knew they were playing against a woman. Gender swapping also gave a female player a greater sense of security as a lone woman in a predominantly male arena. Males agreed that females were not taken as seriously as males, but believed that pretending to be female would give males a strategic psychological advantage. Different male players reported that the advantage arose for one of two reasons. One suggested reason was that males believed that other male players were less aggressive in their play towards female players. The other reason given by some males was that they believed that other male players felt that they could intimidate female players, and so the males posing as females could lure those males into a false sense of security, thus potentially winning more money.

The Global Online Gambler Survey (Parke et al., 2007) conducted by eCOGRA (eCommerce and Online Gaming Regulation and Assurance) collected data from 10,865 participants world-wide who reported that they had gambled at Internet casino sites, Internet poker sites, or both within the 3 months prior to the research. The survey focused on demographic variables, information on behaviour and attitudes (basic play, casino and poker play), player protection and satisfaction, responsible gambling, and positive and negative aspects of Internet gambling. In addition to the survey, a series of focus groups were conducted in the United Kingdom, the United States, Canada, Sweden, and Germany.

The majority of the results from the study were aggregated and so were not presented according to country. However, two findings that were reported were that Swedish online poker players reported the highest average monthly financial outcomes of all countries examined, followed by Germany, and then by New Zealand. The other geographical finding reported was that there were big differences between the North American players and the European players in terms of their attitudes and beliefs about operators engaging in unfair practices. North American players were more likely to report the belief that “pokerbots” existed online, which were operated by the sites themselves. The report speculates that differences in these beliefs may be explained by the general uncertainty regarding regulation and legal issues in the United States and Canada. The report suggested that more players may be concerned about operator legitimacy if these commercial operators are seen to be operating in an illegal or quasi-legal industry.

In a similar finding to that of Wood, Parke et al. (2007), Parke et al. (2007) found that around 12% of players pretended to be a different gender when playing online. Those who always swapped genders when playing poker reported having less profitable play than did any other type of player. Parke et al. (2007) concluded that the players in their study may have been less successful as a consequence of over-estimating the advantage of playing poker as a different gender.

The Global Online Gambler Survey found overall support from both online casino and online poker players for the presence of responsible gaming features, with the majority of players in favour of self-imposed spending limits (70%), self-imposed time limits (51%), self-exclusion (58%), regular financial statements (75%), and self-assessment tests (62%). Players in the focus groups were also more in favour of self-imposed measures and general information than they were of mandatory responsible gaming measures. Some participants in the focus groups were sceptical of the motives of operators utilising responsible gaming practices, suggesting a conflict of interest. However, other participants suggested that the presence of responsible gaming practices allowed them to trust the gaming operator more. They suggested that they would rather play with a company that had a responsible gaming policy than with a company that did not. The greatest area of concern overall related to technical issues such as being disconnected from the game or malfunctioning software. Furthermore, 87% of the players reported that they preferred to play on the “biggest named” sites, as they believed that cheating was less likely.

To date, there has been only one empirical published study that has specifically focused on issues of trust in relation to online gambling. Shelat and Egger (2002) conducted a brief survey of 31 online casino players, focusing on those factors that increased or decreased their level of trust when visiting a gambling Web site. The authors found that the biggest influence came from the informational content of the site. Potential players wanted clear, easy-to-find information about who owned the Web site, what the policies were, and how the staff managed the site. After that, players reported that relationship management was the next most important factor in building trust. This meant that it was important that players could easily contact the company, that they were taken seriously, that they were paid their winnings quickly, and that the company fulfilled their promises. Following that, interface properties were the next most important factor, meaning that the Web site should be easy to follow, quick to load, and contain accurate information. Finally, pre-interactional filters referred to the prior experiences of players on similar casino Web sites. Not surprisingly, bad experiences reduced players' overall (initial) trust of subsequent gambling-related Web sites. However, whilst these are interesting findings, we should be cautious about their generalisability, as they are based on a small sample of online casino gamblers and may not be representative of online gamblers in general or of online poker players specifically.

Studies of Web sites in general have found that specific design features play a critical role in influencing the perceived trustworthiness of a site, including the ease of navigation (Cheskin-Sapient, 1999), the clarity in financial transactions (Nielsen, Molich, Snyder, & Farrell, 2000), the extent to which the Web site has a professional look and feel (Belanger, Hiller, & Smith, 2002; Kim & Stoel, 2004), and the appropriate use of visual design elements (Kim & Moon, 1998). Mixing advertisements and content will diminish trust (Jenkins, Corritore, & Wiedenbeck, 2003), as will poor Web site maintenance (Nielsen et al., 2000). Promoting honesty, a lack of bias, and shared values with the user, as well as providing accurate and comprehensive information, have all been shown to increase trustworthiness (Fogg et al., 2001).

Given the current lack of qualitative research available for understanding online poker playing, the present study set out to investigate in more detail the motivations of Swedish online poker players, the factors that increased or decreased their trust of the Web sites that they play on, and player attitudes towards responsible gaming initiatives. Previous research (Parke et al., 2007) noted that many online poker players welcomed the addition of voluntary responsible gaming measures on a poker Web site. Examining the utility of responsible gaming initiatives, other than to directly help players avoid developing problems, is beneficial as it can show where initiatives may have added value for the gaming operator beyond the operator's basic moral and regulatory obligations. Arguably, initiatives that have mutual benefits in this way demonstrate how a genuine concern for player well-being should be central to the policies of any online gaming operator.

The study identified two distinct groups of Swedish online poker players and defined both in terms of their motivations to play and the ways in which they played. For casual players, the overall experience mattered most. For professional players, the ability to win money was their main motivation to play. Professional players sometimes used psychological tactics in order to provoke other players into getting angry. This could have the effect of reducing the pleasurable experience of the casual player who sometimes saw such actions as “rude.” It was observed by some players that this kind of abuse was frequently ignored or undetected by online poker Web sites. Such experiences may deter some players from continuing to play online or encourage them to switch Web sites if left unchallenged by the operator. However, casual players noted that one advantage of online poker is that it is easy to switch tables if you do not like the present company. This observation may further explain the findings of Wood, Williams, and Lawton (2007), who noted that some online players reported a dislike for the clientele in land-based gambling venues. Furthermore, players who were just starting out and on the lower-stake tables were less likely to encounter such professional players, who favoured higher-stake tables. One consideration for an operator may be to have some non-tactical play tables, where any provocative actions are not tolerated. Social features on these tables could then be maximised. Encouraging players to avoid aggressive play may help them to avoid becoming overly aroused and entering a dissociative state in which excessive spending is more likely. However, some provocation may be deemed a legitimate part of the game for some players, and so other tables where this is tolerated (within reason) might also be considered.

It was interesting to note that some players gender swapped in order to gain a perceived psychological advantage. Wood, Parke et al. (2007) noted that sometimes this is because a female player feels more intimidated playing as a female in a traditionally male environment. Although it was only males in the present study who reported gender swapping, there were only eight female players who took part. Females have previously been shown to gender swap more than males (Wood, Parke et al., 2007). Given that poker is, currently, a predominantly male activity (73.8% according to Parke et al., 2007), it may be worth considering offering female-only games, where women may feel more at ease competing with each other. However, ensuring that only genuine females played could be a challenge in itself.

Trust was a critical element for deciding which Web site to play on. In accordance with previous findings on trust of Web sites in general, this study also found that several factors were critical. Reputation was paramount, and larger established companies were trusted more than unknown operators. However, reputation also came from personal experience and through discussions with other players. Some players would even forgo a bonus in favour of a reputable operator whom they trusted. Also key to maintaining a good reputation was a clear design that was easy to follow and functioned efficiently with all the necessary information present. Winnings needed to be paid quickly to reassure players that everything worked. Similarly, connection drops were reported as one of the most annoying factors, particularly for professional players. Responding quickly and fairly to technical problems was also critical in maintaining trust, as was dealing effectively with any allegations of cheating. In these respects, an efficient customer service department is essential for the long-term reputation of any online poker operator. Furthermore, highly visible statements about the security of the games offered and how the company responds to cheating may also increase levels of player trust.

The study found that responsible gaming policies were linked to trust for many of the players, by demonstrating an integrity that goes beyond just offering an efficient service to one that cares for its players. Consequently, this finding supports and extends aspects of The Global Online Gambler Survey (Parke et al., 2007). Furthermore, online poker playing was defined as a game in which it is easy to understand that winnings are coming directly from another player and not from the gaming operator as such. Winning against the house may be thrilling; taking away someone's grocery money for the week is likely to be less so. Whilst such assertions may not always be obvious, it seemed clear that they were at least in the back of the minds of some of the players. Therefore, developing effective responsible gaming policies is not just an ethical choice and a regulatory requirement; doing so may also provide two important elements of economic value for the operator. The presence of adequate responsible gaming measures appears to increase the level of trust that some players have for an operator, making it more likely that they will play with an operator who has a prominent responsible gaming policy than with one who does not. Furthermore, visible responsible gaming measures allow the conscientious player to feel good about winning and can therefore add to the overall enjoyment of their gaming experience. These findings therefore emphasise the benefits to all parties in developing a genuine concern for player well-being.

The present study has uncovered a number of interesting findings about the factors that can both increase and decrease player trust of an online poker operator, as well as some of the motivations for playing. We should bear in mind that the study was conducted with a small sample of players, although it was adequate for a qualitative study of this kind, and the players were self-selecting and from one particular country (Sweden). Further research might survey a much larger representative sample of players by using the factors identified in this study to determine the extent to which these findings apply to online poker players in general. The online nature of these activities should make this a simple task in relation to current players. However, it would also be interesting to see what the public in general think about these issues, as they may, in part, determine people's decision to play, or not to play, online poker games in the future.